March 9, 2018
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November 17, 207
An exercise in abstracting the distinction between total agency and a complete lack of agency.
A good work model for the non-administrative working class, in my humble opinion, would be semi-contractual work. In other words, one would work in a specific warehouse/office or what have you, and upon arrival or per schedule, choose from a list of assignments that are paid different prices according to time and difficulty.
That all the members of an ethnicity could possibly be equal is a grave fiction. Racialist conservatives and reactionaries, often eager to disparage the Enlightenment, fall headlong into Enlightenment values the instant it benefits them by calling one's attention to those moments in history when our humble patriarchs only considered 'man' something entirely provincial and within reach.
One could, perhaps, consider the Center and where it sits in terms of Left and Right wing politics by grafting onto this vocabulary ideas which are common to eastern spirituality, as well as the occult.
In the eastern thought, the Right, in a metaphysical sense, represents what is known - that toward which one should be working, a striving toward the source of life. It respresents tradition and one's striving toward the correct path. This is known as the Right Hand Path.
The Left, on the other hand, represents
'Nihilism' is an often stigmatized word in our culture.
But there is the argument that nihilism, functionally, can act as a dialectical tool to level incoherent precepts about the nature of reality down to constituent parts. Of course, people can take this too far to where even the constituent parts are done away with altogether, which leads one ultimately to the position that one can act as though no negative consequences to one's actions matter.
Anarchism means something different depending on who one asks. It literally means 'no rulers,' while many emphasize its antagonism to the idea of 'the state.' Some are too lazy when it comes to defining 'state' and others are probably too hard headed when it comes to defining 'rule.' Some anarchists think that power itself shouldn't belong to any one person and are therefore against all hierarchies and all forms of positional leadership. Others simply think that all manners of social organization are permissible insofar as they are not coercive. But then, many people can't seem to agree on just what constitutes coercion.
So many manners, so many ceremonial gestures have been devoted precisely to the exclusion of large groups of people. It is all the better if a swifter exclusion can be measured economically. It is no mystery that one needs not have an ounce of culture in order to have money, but then, money becomes its own singular culture. Just as socialism requires that one man care about the well-being of another to give a piece of his portion to him, a truly free market, if it is to be more than a metaphor, requires that each man not pay for some violence to be done to another man on his behalf. But wherever there exist men who want to commit violence and men who want violence done but couldn't be bothered to do it themselves, the monetization of violence will take place.
Revolution does for history what BDSM does for the sexual act. A higher and more complex degree of stimulation is required to achieve the maximum possible release of tension and pressure; the revolutionary timescale is wholly orgasmic.
No one is coming to save you. Are you looking for a hug? You're better off asking for one. Grievance is dead. Victims are going to get victimized; it stops being a badge of distinction the moment the shameless victimizer enters the room. Victim narratives are self-eating proofs that the victimization taking place is a fiction. Real criminals don't apologize. They're only sorry they got caught. You don't ask them for apologies; you exile them or you fight them.
Don't waste your time with groups who preach 'social justice' and use violence and pig-headed arguments, nor with any nationalists who tell you your race is being oppressed by minorities--these are the same people. They are sick with the same disease. They need others to join them in their never ending fight against discomfort.
You love The Constitution? Good. But don't wave that in the air with a smirk when the enemy shows up at your door. They'll tear it up and cut you down just as fast.
You want rights for your group? Take them. Don't ask for everyone to love you. Your existence is a crime to some, a blessing to others; don't get too wrapped up in either one.
From now on, you are the master of your feelings. You decide what to do with them. No one else is waiting eagerly to caress them.
Anger lasts a moment and can ruin your entire life. Same with lust and jealousy. Escape the mania of me-dom; not to deny your wellbeing, but to throw away that pair of affirmation-glasses which causes you to seek and seek hosts onto which you can latch and sap their energy. This need for affirmation is parasitic.
Rather, be like a tree firmly rooted in soil. It uses the weather to its advantage and pulls nutrients from deep below. It produces fruit when it can and rests in the winter, simply withstanding hardship. It adapts to change. It realizes that change is part of the fabric of life. It doesn't hold onto its fruit but offers it up to the earth when the time is right. It is not harmed when its fruit is taken, for it knows the seasons are ample for producing more.
Give freely in kindness without a single hope of compensation. Keep things for yourself unguiltily. If you have to fight, fight without reservation, even if there is no chance to win. Through this, you encourage bravery in others. When people curse you, let them shrink to the size of mice in your mind. Let their voices sound as incomprehensible to your ears as a rodent with that small of a mouth.
See patterns, but see aberrations, and the patterns which mask themselves as aberrations. Things are often more complex or simpler than we think they are.
Let your feelings be tools, tunes to your soul, even. Listen to them like music and learn from them like numbers, and then let them go their own way. This is real freedom; not finding people who feel sorry for you.
Politics are, in part, an extension of values. But whose? It is an extension of a generalized set of values in a highly corporeal form. Politics are, by nature, the result of reciprocal exchange. We have all our work ahead of us to determine just to what degree the nature of reciprocation itself is violent; whether it is the king on whose land one is dependent or the crowd who votes against the best interest of a mother and her children.
The political domain is conflict in action, conflict stratified and ever circling the anticipation of itself, to say nothing of efficiency.
At its greatest points of intensity, politics represent more an absence of what is not immediate. This non-immediacy is countered by an ever immediate threat; this applies to anarchism too, which is not apolitical, but rather, intensely political.
Let general politics refer to something by which we sign the very nature of things, at the risk of qualifying politics as a transcendant aspect of social interaction. It needs not be transcendent, but simply a name given to a set of processes which lie outside the qualitative norms, whether exemplified by history or by theory. If the very nature of a state hides the event of its sovereignty, then the nature of reciprocal relationships hide the various small events which brought us at one time closest to death. Far from secret, politics enunciate death with a threat. Even in the friendly barter, there is the anticipation of theft and pillage.
One can't talk about general politics without speaking of the general economy and the general state--late though the state is in relation to the other two, it is recognized through the same mechanism of naming that thing whose perimeters was once narrow in strict definition. If privation drove mankind to the activity of economic exchange, surplus and plenty drove him to the violence of political activity--the first political activity being war. Abundance, a geological aberration, would have to be squandered even for the sake of equilibrium; tribes purchase time with goods, at the cost of lives.
I refer to this as general politics because it acts as a qualitative approximation to politics as we understand it today, which is largely statist in form. In fact, the term 'general' is qualitative, even as Bataille uses it for the general economy.
The convention of borders, if anything, lowered the stakes tied to events along with the responsibility of the people they enclosed, whilst accelerating the dissolution of mass organization to the equal measure that the respective closed economy reached a point of intensity.
Enclosed borders, usually coextensive with a state, forced individuals into economic engagement. Civilization is the story of repetition layered on repetition, whether that be a buried city underneath another city or a buried set of values similar but not quite like that of today.
If politics in miniature represents reciprocal conflict abrogation, then the statist model of politics represents the raising of crisis in miniature to the public sector. Democracy could be seen, among other things, as a semiotic replacement of unconscious scapegoatism--crisis narrowed down to the elimination of one common variable for the sake of the societal peace (but not harmony, for the variable erased only returns like Christ, or like the Dragon of the book of Revelation at the end of his 1,000 years in the abyss).
All we do is political, and all we do is dressed with the signature of that which it erases from the immediacy of communication. Decentralization, whether through revolution, war, or economic somnolence, has all the character of the unconscious being revealed as the surplus of communication through psychoanalysis. The scale of signs exhaust the centralizing potential of the political domain and it is up to those who, through some act of naming and asking, are able to read the wider perimeters of that surplus.
Anti-statism wishes to reformulate constantly to better approximate political activity to organicity without the organic stratification of organization from the top down.
From the bottom up, the political activity of the contract between individuals sees the body itself as the primary border.
Organization is needed to disorganize.
A border is needed in order for a region to keep from being a nation.
A reallocation of power through violence keeps people from oppression; oppression battling oppression.
Centralization and decentralization dilate and retract to varying degrees, paradoxically, in a process which, though composed of many minds, appears mindless, just as a mind is composed of many parts which are themselves mindless.
The political domain, like the birth of consciousness itself, is the thought which, having been thought, cannot be unthought.
The issue of cultural appropriation, as it has been contextualized in our society as of late, is not lacking in concern for those who are considered other. However, the question remains as to whether or not we can engage with and respect the other without clumsily utilizing ever piece of masochistic rhetoric in our grasp.