June 11, 2018
June 11, 2018
June 11, 2018
One might argue that the specific cultural tasks assigned to gender roles needs reconfiguring. However, we haven't advanced much farther than the ancient world where the very limits of gender are concerned.
That all the members of an ethnicity could possibly be equal is a grave fiction. Racialist conservatives and reactionaries, often eager to disparage the Enlightenment, fall headlong into Enlightenment values the instant it benefits them by calling one's attention to those moments in history when our humble patriarchs only considered 'man' something entirely provincial and within reach.
Anarchism means something different depending on who one asks. It literally means 'no rulers,' while many emphasize its antagonism to the idea of 'the state.' Some are too lazy when it comes to defining 'state' and others are probably too hard headed when it comes to defining 'rule.' Some anarchists think that power itself shouldn't belong to any one person and are therefore against all hierarchies and all forms of positional leadership. Others simply think that all manners of social organization are permissible insofar as they are not coercive. But then, many people can't seem to agree on just what constitutes coercion.
Democracy always works. However, it has remained our universal western option because people have made it synonymous with 'freedom.' The reason it works is because it is so good at hiding those features of its nature which keep its engine running. Whether it is the people acting as a sort of subconscious to the state or the state acting as subconscious to the people, democracy relies on a psychological mechanism which sees the will of the smallest units of organization suppressed for the sake of belonging--tension freed only by doing what is popular, rather than what needs to be done. Democracy is a way for the state to separate the wheat from the tares and the sheep from the goats.
Representative government is rife with characters who are stationed for little other purpose than for the sake of flattering people's feelings. The representative leader or potential leader only represents desire. Granted, the representative leader may create the desire itself,
Politics are, in part, an extension of values. But whose? It is an extension of a generalized set of values in a highly corporeal form. Politics are, by nature, the result of reciprocal exchange. We have all our work ahead of us to determine just to what degree the nature of reciprocation itself is violent; whether it is the king on whose land one is dependent or the crowd who votes against the best interest of a mother and her children.
The political domain is conflict in action, conflict stratified and ever circling the anticipation of itself, to say nothing of efficiency.
At its greatest points of intensity, politics represent more an absence of what is not immediate. This non-immediacy is countered by an ever immediate threat; this applies to anarchism too, which is not apolitical, but rather, intensely political.
Let general politics refer to something by which we sign the very nature of things, at the risk of qualifying politics as a transcendant aspect of social interaction. It needs not be transcendent, but simply a name given to a set of processes which lie outside the qualitative norms, whether exemplified by history or by theory. If the very nature of a state hides the event of its sovereignty, then the nature of reciprocal relationships hide the various small events which brought us at one time closest to death. Far from secret, politics enunciate death with a threat. Even in the friendly barter, there is the anticipation of theft and pillage.
One can't talk about general politics without speaking of the general economy and the general state--late though the state is in relation to the other two, it is recognized through the same mechanism of naming that thing whose perimeters was once narrow in strict definition. If privation drove mankind to the activity of economic exchange, surplus and plenty drove him to the violence of political activity--the first political activity being war. Abundance, a geological aberration, would have to be squandered even for the sake of equilibrium; tribes purchase time with goods, at the cost of lives.
I refer to this as general politics because it acts as a qualitative approximation to politics as we understand it today, which is largely statist in form. In fact, the term 'general' is qualitative, even as Bataille uses it for the general economy.
The convention of borders, if anything, lowered the stakes tied to events along with the responsibility of the people they enclosed, whilst accelerating the dissolution of mass organization to the equal measure that the respective closed economy reached a point of intensity.
Enclosed borders, usually coextensive with a state, forced individuals into economic engagement. Civilization is the story of repetition layered on repetition, whether that be a buried city underneath another city or a buried set of values similar but not quite like that of today.
If politics in miniature represents reciprocal conflict abrogation, then the statist model of politics represents the raising of crisis in miniature to the public sector. Democracy could be seen, among other things, as a semiotic replacement of unconscious scapegoatism--crisis narrowed down to the elimination of one common variable for the sake of the societal peace (but not harmony, for the variable erased only returns like Christ, or like the Dragon of the book of Revelation at the end of his 1,000 years in the abyss).
All we do is political, and all we do is dressed with the signature of that which it erases from the immediacy of communication. Decentralization, whether through revolution, war, or economic somnolence, has all the character of the unconscious being revealed as the surplus of communication through psychoanalysis. The scale of signs exhaust the centralizing potential of the political domain and it is up to those who, through some act of naming and asking, are able to read the wider perimeters of that surplus.
Anti-statism wishes to reformulate constantly to better approximate political activity to organicity without the organic stratification of organization from the top down.
From the bottom up, the political activity of the contract between individuals sees the body itself as the primary border.
Organization is needed to disorganize.
A border is needed in order for a region to keep from being a nation.
A reallocation of power through violence keeps people from oppression; oppression battling oppression.
Centralization and decentralization dilate and retract to varying degrees, paradoxically, in a process which, though composed of many minds, appears mindless, just as a mind is composed of many parts which are themselves mindless.
The political domain, like the birth of consciousness itself, is the thought which, having been thought, cannot be unthought.